Are serving British Gurkha soldiers paid only from the Ministry of Defence budget, collected through taxes from British citizens, or is there another source as well? Many may not be aware of this. By providing employment to Nepali citizens under the title of “Gurkha,” the British government has significantly contributed to managing unemployment. Moreover, entrusting Gurkhas with sensitive and high-ranking positions in the British Army proves that Nepali youths are trustworthy and honest—a unique quality in itself. The British did give jobs to Nepali youths in their army, but how exactly their salaries are managed, and how the history and management of other comparable foreign forces function, deserves discussion.
The diplomatic relations between Britain and Nepal are widely praised. We have also heard of the movements led by ex-Gurkhas. But how the funds for the salaries and pensions of serving and retired Gurkhas, as well as the budgets for various drinking water projects, bridges, schools, and other infrastructure in Nepal—built with British aid—are raised, remains largely unknown to us.
As of 2025, there are about 4,000 serving Gurkhas in the British Army, along with another 1,000 serving within British units, totaling roughly 5,000. According to unofficial data from 2024, there are around 36,000 pensioners—20,000 settled in the UK and 16,000 still in Nepal. To manage recruitment and administration, there is one British Army camp in Pokhara, one in Kathmandu, and nearly a dozen welfare offices across Nepal’s provinces. Recruitment numbers have recently increased, with around 400 new recruits joining each year. When considering the expenses of transporting new recruits from Pokhara to London, or repatriating soldiers during emergencies, the cost figures for the British Army may appear unrealistic.
So how is the Gurkha budget really managed? Firstly, Britain provides security to Brunei, a small but wealthy nation. Between 700 and 1,000 serving Gurkhas, with their families, are stationed there. For their service, facilities, and weapons, Brunei pays a large annual sum to the British government. Around 2009–10, the figure was estimated at £67 million per year (unofficial). Some claim it is even higher, though no official records have been released, as such matters remain confidential. In addition, Brunei employs around 1,500 ex-Gurkhas in the Gurkha Reserve Unit (GRU), originally contracted through British officers. Whether or not the British government still receives annual payment for the GRU’s operations has never been disclosed.
Similarly, there are about 2,200 Nepalis serving in the Singapore Gurkha Police. Since April 9, 1949, Nepali youths have continuously served there, bringing significant financial benefits to Britain for nearly 76 years (as of 2025). Each year, about 150 new recruits are selected in Nepal and sent to Singapore through the British Gurkha Camp in Pokhara. Britain and Singapore then divide the recruits according to their requirements. The Singapore Gurkha Police is led in rotation by serving British Army officers, showing clearly that its administration and management are overseen by Britain.
Thus, how much does Britain receive annually from Brunei for the roughly 1,000 Gurkhas stationed there? How much does it gain for the 1,500 ex-Gurkhas employed in the GRU? And how much from Singapore for managing the 2,200 Gurkha Police? Official figures are never published, but that Britain does receive substantial sums is as clear as daylight. Considering these three revenue streams, it is reasonable to conclude that Britain still profits significantly from Gurkha recruitment. After all, who in the world does business at a loss? Therefore, it appears unnecessary for Britain to draw on its domestic tax budget to fund Gurkha soldiers. Even ordinary British citizens are unaware of these facts. They assume Gurkha salaries and pensions come from the Ministry of Defence budget, but the supplementary income from Brunei and Singapore is rarely discussed. In practice, while pay and pensions are disbursed through the Defence Ministry, equivalent or even larger sums flow in from these external arrangements.
The British Prime Minister, Cabinet, and Parliament officially recognized Gurkhas as part of the British Army (BBC, 2004, bbc.co.uk). Serving and newly recruited Gurkhas now receive the same pay, benefits, and services as their British counterparts.
There are historical accounts suggesting that, in the past, Nepal’s Rana rulers received royalties for each Nepali recruited into the British Army, and later that such payments went to the royal palace. However, no solid evidence of payment has been found. With the abolition of monarchy, the practice of royalties ceased. Some claim that the funds were later redirected to the Department for International Development (DFID) projects, as part of the tradition where wealthy nations donate 1% of their total budget for aid, but this too lacks proof.
Apart from DFID, the Gurkha Welfare Trust spends around 700 million rupees annually on drinking water projects, schools, bridges, and other infrastructure, managed through its offices across all seven provinces. Notably, serving Gurkhas themselves are required to contribute one day’s salary each year to this welfare fund. The Brigade of Gurkhas’ Music Band also raises large amounts through global performances, which forms another major source of funding. Additionally, disabled and vulnerable pensions are provided to ex-Gurkhas and their families, with financial support from organizations such as the British Legion. This system of financial management for both serving and retired Gurkhas is indeed fascinating.
Due to severe unemployment, it is estimated that around 6 million Nepalis work abroad. From the perspective of employment, the British Gurkha Army and the Singapore Gurkha Police remain highly attractive opportunities. Likewise, in neighboring India, about 80,000 Nepalis serve under 39 Gorkha units of the Indian Army, though current recruitment has been halted due to the Agnipath scheme. Traditionally, 1,200–1,400 Nepalis were recruited into the Indian Army each year, but this stopped due to COVID-19 in 2020 and has not resumed (BBC Nepali Service, April 25, 2024). In addition, hundreds of Nepalis currently serve in the Dubai Police, around 1,000 in the French Foreign Legion, and nearly 900 in the Russian Army, even deployed to frontlines.
Gurkhas are not the only foreigners serving in sensitive institutions like the military or police. Eighteen countries recruit foreign citizens into their armed forces (Pandey, 2016, Storypick.com). For instance, the French Foreign Legion recruits French-speaking nationals from Belgium, Canada, and elsewhere. The US military employs Filipinos. Britain itself employs thousands of Fijians and smaller numbers of other Commonwealth citizens—Nigerians, Ghanaians, Kenyans, Indians, Pakistanis, and more. Other countries recruiting foreigners include India, Australia, Canada, Israel, New Zealand, Spain, Belgium, Denmark, Bahrain, Ireland, Luxembourg, Monaco, Norway, Serbia, and even Vatican City. With globalization, it has become increasingly common for citizens of one country to serve in the armed forces of another.
Whether Britain or France first began recruiting foreign soldiers is debated. In any case, the experiences of Gurkhas in the British Army mirror those of the Senegalese Tirailleurs in the French Army, composed of soldiers from Senegal, Guinea, Mali, Angola, Burkina Faso, Chad, Benin, Ivory Coast, Central Africa, and Togo. On April 15, 2017, French President François Hollande granted citizenship to surviving African veterans who had fought for France decades earlier (Koyu, 2017, qz.com).
Like the Gurkhas’ campaign for equal pay and pensions, the Senegalese Tirailleurs also fought for equality. On November 30, 1944, 1,300 Senegalese mutinied, demanding equal pay. Tragically, instead of granting equality, French forces massacred about 400 unarmed Senegalese soldiers at night inside their barracks. This event became known as the Thiaroye Massacre, 1944, and was later depicted in a film, though banned in both France and Senegal. In 2010, under public pressure, France finally granted full pensions to about 30,000 colonial soldiers. During WWII, 40,000 Africans died fighting for France, yet even as recently as 2006, retired French soldiers received pensions of €790, while their African counterparts received less than €61. Thus, struggles for fair pay, pensions, and equality continue worldwide. The Tirailleurs were formed in 1857 and disbanded in 1964, after 107 years.
Nepalis have been going abroad for work for more than two centuries. Nepal was the second-largest labor-exporting country after the Philippines, and now it ranks first. It is the government’s responsibility to monitor where and under what conditions its citizens are working abroad. Some argue that the future of Gurkha recruitment—the very foundation of Nepal’s first diaspora—depends on Brunei. Occasionally, discussions arise about Australia possibly taking over Brunei’s security responsibilities. If that happens, the number of Gurkhas may be reduced, but whether recruitment will completely stop or continue is uncertain. Circumstances will change with time, but the struggles, pains, and voices of Gurkhas will always resonate. Understanding the management of Gurkhas will help in forming future policies and plans. Looking at these facts, it is incomplete to view Britain only as a donor country.
Note: The author holds a Master’s Degree in Political Science from Canterbury Christ Church University, UK, and is also a former Gurkha.
